A Palestinian-Syrian journalist’s investigation into a luxury development project in Damascus sparked controversy not for its corruption allegations, but because of the reporter’s Palestinian heritage, highlighting growing tensions for Palestinian refugees in post-Assad Syria.
When Qusai Amameh published his report about Mount Qasioun’s redevelopment plans for a five-star hotel and commercial complex, he anticipated discussions about transparency and reconstruction priorities. However, the criticism he received centered on his Palestinian identity rather than his journalism.
On May 3rd, Syria Shift, a platform allegedly connected to Syria’s Ministry of Information, released a video called “The Palestinian Filter” targeting Amameh, who serves as editor-in-chief of the Syrian platform Street. The segment focused on his Palestinian background instead of addressing his reporting content, raising fundamental questions about belonging and acceptance in modern Syria.
Fayez Abu Eid, who leads the Action Group for Palestinians of Syria, explained to The Media Line how social media has amplified hostility toward Palestinian refugees. “As political debate has moved onto social media and digital platforms, it’s become easier for criticism to cross the line into hostility, especially toward Palestinian refugees in Syria. There’s a difference between criticizing a person or a political position and blaming an entire community. When people start speaking in broad generalizations, it can fuel prejudice and deepen stereotypes,” he stated.
The controversial video sparked widespread condemnation from journalists, activists, and Palestinian rights advocates who accused the platform of encouraging discrimination and collective suspicion. Following intense public backlash, Syria Shift eventually deleted the video from its platforms.
Palestinian community members view this incident as part of a broader pattern affecting minorities in post-Assad Syria. Similar to how Alawites face scrutiny due to their association with the former regime and Druze communities encounter separatism accusations, Palestinians increasingly find themselves viewed with suspicion rather than as integral members of Syrian society.
These concerns intensified in April when Syrian security forces detained Palestinians throughout Damascus and surrounding areas following demonstrations against an Israeli law imposing death penalties for certain Palestinians convicted of terrorism-related offenses. Authorities arrested at least 30 individuals from Khan al-Shih camp alone, with additional detentions in Jaramana, al-Huseiniyeh, Rukneddine, and al-Hamah. Many were transported to undisclosed locations without official explanation.
The controversial Israeli legislation, promoted by National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, passed the Knesset on March 30th with a 62-48 vote. Palestinian leaders and rights organizations condemned the law as creating discriminatory punishment systems, and its passage triggered regional protests.
Thousands of Syrians demonstrated from Damascus to Daraa, showing solidarity with Palestinians and opposing Arab normalization with Israel. In Damascus, protesters who had gathered at Umayyad Square broke away from the main rally and attacked the United Arab Emirates embassy. The UAE subsequently condemned what it termed “riots, acts of vandalism, and assaults” at its diplomatic facilities.
US Special Envoy to Syria Tom Barrack called on Damascus to protect all diplomatic missions while continuing “the courageous work of reconciliation,” describing Syria’s regional reengagement as a defining chapter. The Syrian Foreign Ministry distanced itself from the violence, stating it did not represent the Syrian people.
Ryan Maarouf, a Syrian journalist from As Suwayda, told The Media Line that the new authorities are applying the same control strategies to Palestinians that they’ve used with other minority groups. “Just as the authorities tried to impose central control over the Druze, Alawites, and Kurds, it is natural that they would seek the same with Palestinians: ensuring full loyalty, preventing any independent political space, and eliminating any force that could be seen as a future source of concern,” he explained.
Maarouf noted that Damascus interprets Palestinian political expression through an Israeli security lens. “The Palestinian file in Syria is not only a social or legal issue. It is also tied to Israel’s security file, because any political or organizational Palestinian presence can be read by Israel as a threat, which makes the authorities even more sensitive toward it,” he said.
Following the UAE Embassy incident, some commentators broadly implicated Palestinians, with pro-government voices using the event to incite against the community and revive accusations that they represent political and security burdens. Rather than being viewed as refugees with historical Syrian connections, they were portrayed as destabilizing external forces.
Human rights organizations have warned that Palestinians are increasingly characterized either as security threats or remnants of the old regime, leading to enhanced scrutiny and social exclusion. Activists argue that the rapid resurgence of collective blame demonstrates that the Amameh case represents a wider atmosphere treating Palestinians as permanent outsiders.
Abu Eid emphasized the humanitarian toll Palestinians endured during Syria’s conflict years. “During the years of war, Palestinians in Syria paid a severe humanitarian price, even though many tried as much as possible to stay out of the conflict,” he said. “More than 7,500 Palestinians were arrested by the former regime’s security forces, around 1,500 died under torture, and the fate of more than 5,000 remains unknown to this day.”
Yarmouk camp, established in 1957 for Palestinians displaced during the 1948 Arab-Israeli war, exemplifies this suffering. Located on Damascus’s southern edge, the camp housed approximately 160,000 residents by 2011, making it Syria’s largest Palestinian refugee community. The Free Syrian Army entered in December 2012, followed by an Assad regime siege in July 2013 that cut off food and medicine supplies. Over 160 people died from starvation, and a 2018 regime offensive destroyed most of the camp, including UN Relief and Works Agency facilities.
A Yarmouk camp social worker, speaking anonymously for safety reasons, told The Media Line that while Palestinians haven’t experienced direct ground-level measures, media discourse close to authorities has become increasingly harsh. “There is a growing feeling that some voices are trying to demonize Palestinians and portray them as an obstacle to Syria’s stability, and this is causing real concern among Palestinians in Syria,” the worker said.
According to UNRWA’s 2026 humanitarian appeal, 92% of Palestine refugees in Syria—more than 384,000 people—face food insecurity, up from approximately 63% in March 2024. Additionally, roughly 30%, or more than 125,000 people, remain in protracted internal displacement.
Abu Eid confirmed that suspicion has persisted under the new government. “Even today, many Palestinians feel they are viewed with suspicion or treated through broad narratives that ignore the diversity of their positions and experiences during the war,” he said. “This feeling grows stronger when decisions affecting them are issued and then later amended or apologized for.”
These fears escalated last year following reports that official documents had replaced “Syrian Palestinian” with “Palestinian resident.” The social worker described more extensive changes: “The description ‘Syrian Palestinian’ was replaced with ‘resident Palestinian,’ and the original place of registration was removed in favor of classifying them as ‘foreigners.’ This created serious fears for us as Palestinians, because we consider ourselves Syrians as well, not only Palestinians.”
While Syrian authorities characterized these changes as technical errors, Palestinian groups viewed them as attacks on their legal identity. Abu Eid explained the community’s interpretation: “When terms like ‘Palestinian resident’ appeared instead of ‘Syrian Palestinian,’ many people did not see it as a simple technical issue. They understood it as a possible sign of a deeper change in the legal approach to Palestinians and a warning that their long-established rights could be weakened.”
Maarouf offered a more skeptical perspective: “When the label ‘Palestinian resident’ appeared instead of ‘Syrian Palestinian,’ I do not see it as merely a technical mistake, but rather as a way of testing public reaction to any future change related to the legal and social status of Palestinians.”
Palestinians in Syria have historically maintained a unique legal status. Law 260 of 1956 granted many Palestinian refugees rights similar to Syrian citizens in employment, education, public services, and residence, while preserving their Palestinian nationality and excluding them from political rights like voting or holding office.
Maarouf emphasized the deep integration Palestinians achieved over decades: “Palestinians in Syria lived for decades almost as Syrians. They served in the army, owned homes, and built full lives. Presenting them today as an external party or a temporary guest is not just an administrative issue, but a clear political message.”
This contrasts sharply with Palestinian experiences in Lebanon, where they cannot own property, practice dozens of professions, or obtain citizenship, with UNRWA reporting that over 80% live below the poverty line.
A joint April analysis by Syrians for Truth and Justice, the Syria Justice and Accountability Centre, and Justice for Life documented presidential decrees and ministerial decisions throughout 2025 that amended laws and restructured state institutions without parliamentary approval. The reclassification of Palestinians as “foreigners” has raised concerns that Damascus is adopting Lebanon’s model of permanent legal marginalization.
While the Ministry of Information launched a media code of conduct in February to regulate hate speech and promote post-Assad professionalism, critics argue that pro-government media and online networks continue treating minorities—including Druze, Alawites, Kurds, and Palestinians—through loyalty and suspicion frameworks.
This pattern has resulted in documented violence. The US Commission on International Religious Freedom stated in its 2026 Annual Report that transitional authorities “exhibited systematic and ongoing tolerance for egregious violations of religious freedom” throughout 2025, recommending Syria for Country of Particular Concern designation. On March 7, 2025, fighters loyal to transitional authorities or operating under the Ministry of Defense killed at least 1,500 Alawite civilians in two days of summary executions along the Syrian coast. A July 2025 escalation in Suwayda displaced approximately 187,000 Druze, according to Syrians for Truth and Justice.
In March, Kurdish civilians returning from Nowruz celebrations in Afrin faced attacks by groups that forced them to step on Kurdish flags while General Security personnel watched without intervention. These attacks occurred two months after a presidential decree recognizing Kurdish cultural rights and criminalizing ethnic incitement.
The Action Group for Palestinians of Syria reported that monitoring of the April detention campaign suggests several possible justifications, including alleged Islamic State affiliations, alleged connections to Assad regime remnants, and the UAE embassy attack. The Ministry of Interior had already arrested two individuals connected to the embassy incident, with spokesman Nour al-Din al-Baba accusing them of former Syrian regime ties. While some Khan al-Shih detainees were later released, others remain in custody.
Abu Eid concluded with a call for balanced recognition: “Any fair approach to Palestinians in Syria must recognize both realities at once: They are part of the Syrian social fabric, but they are also a refugee community with a unique legal and historical status. Ignoring either side makes the issue far more dangerous and unstable.”
