Two former Israeli Prime Ministers have announced they will join forces for the country’s upcoming election, creating a unified opposition front against current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid revealed their partnership under the framework called Beyachad, with Bennett positioned to head the ticket and Lapid taking a supporting role.
The collaboration reunites the same duo who previously led Israel’s brief unity government from 2021 to 2022. This time around, the leadership structure is more clearly defined, with Bennett expected to spearhead the joint list while Lapid, who leads the Yesh Atid party, assumes a secondary position.
Political analysts suggest this alliance could significantly impact how Washington views Israel’s political landscape. Ofir Dayan, a researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies, believes Netanyahu’s perceived indispensability in American circles has diminished. “I think that ship has sailed,” Dayan explained to The Media Line. “When Bennett and Lapid replaced Netanyahu in 2021, I think it became clear that Netanyahu is not irreplaceable.”
Michael Koplow, chief policy officer at Israel Policy Forum and a senior research fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute of North America, offered a nuanced perspective on U.S.-Israel relations. “At the institutional level, under this administration, it’s very stable, and I don’t think that will change no matter who’s leading the Israeli government,” Koplow told The Media Line. “But when you get past the level of the president and the administration, there are definitely warning signs in Congress … and that’s where it probably makes a difference who the prime minister is.”
While the partnership appears straightforward on the surface, it introduces complex questions about governance and international relations, particularly regarding how a Bennett-led government might interact with President Donald Trump. Israel’s parliamentary system requires coalition-building after elections to form a governing majority, making the path to power uncertain despite the clear opposition leadership.
Dr. Assaf Shapira from the Israel Democracy Institute views the merger as strategically beneficial for both politicians involved. “If we are talking about the particular interests of Lapid and Bennett and their parties, then it is a success,” Shapira told The Media Line. “It will bring them only gains.”
For Lapid specifically, Shapira noted the alliance provides crucial protection against electoral decline. “The party, according to the polls, was about to crash,” he explained, referencing surveys that showed Yesh Atid approaching the electoral threshold. “Now, Lapid secures his place in the next Knesset. He secures the fact that he will be the deputy of a list that will certainly be a large list.”
The partnership could also position Lapid for a return to international diplomacy. “If Bennett forms a government, I think there is a good chance that we will see Lapid as foreign minister,” Shapira predicted. “You cannot know, but that seems a little like his natural role in the next government, and that may also be relevant to the United States.”
Bennett’s advantages from the merger are equally significant. Before the alliance, he faced competition for opposition leadership, including from Gadi Eisenkot, the former military chief who entered politics with strong security credentials. “Now, with this union, Bennett is the leader of the bloc,” Shapira observed. “There are still six months until the election, but at the moment it looks like Bennett is completely the leader of the bloc, and he positions himself as the main, almost the only, competitor to Netanyahu.”
However, Shapira expressed skepticism about the alliance’s ability to expand beyond existing opposition voters. “I don’t see how this union can bring additional voters from Likud,” he stated. “There is probably no one who was debating whether to vote Bennett or Likud and now says, after Bennett united with Lapid, I will definitely vote Bennett.”
The merger’s impact may be more psychological than electoral, according to Shapira. Strong polling performance could generate momentum and enthusiasm among opposition supporters. “The very fact that people will suddenly see in the polls a list, the Beyachad list, that is like Likud, maybe even in some polls bigger than Likud, that is something that can create enthusiasm,” he explained. “And that enthusiasm is important. It has importance in itself.”
Several political questions remain unresolved, particularly regarding other opposition figures like Benny Gantz, the former defense minister who leads National Unity. “We don’t know what will happen, for example, with Gantz—whether he runs separately, whether he unites,” Shapira noted. Other potential moves involving Yoaz Hendel, Avigdor Liberman, or Eisenkot could further reshape the political landscape.
The alliance also highlights the evolving nature of Israeli political divisions. Shapira argues that traditional left-right distinctions have given way to divisions centered on Netanyahu, judicial authority, and democratic institutions. “You can call it the Bibi bloc and the anti-Bibi bloc,” he said. “You can call it a bloc that supports the Supreme Court and a bloc that opposes the Supreme Court.”
In this context, Lapid’s centrist positioning becomes complicated. “Lapid defines himself as a center party. That is nice. It is not a center party,” Shapira stated bluntly. “There is almost no center today in Israel.”
Regarding U.S.-Israel relations, the personal dynamics between leaders could prove crucial. Dayan emphasized the importance of the existing Netanyahu-Trump relationship. “You can’t underestimate the value of personal connection,” she said. “President Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu are good friends. They have been working together for many years, so it has influence.”
While Bennett could potentially work effectively with Trump, the relationship would lack the established history. “Even if future Prime Minister Bennett will have great relations with President Trump, still he doesn’t have that advantage of working with President Trump and being friends with him for so many years,” Dayan explained. “So, obviously, that’s going to change.”
The current opposition faces challenges in building Washington connections due to the close Trump-Netanyahu relationship. “There is no light between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Donald Trump,” Dayan observed. “So, the opposition is not really very much in touch with the American administration.”
Nevertheless, Bennett and Lapid are not unknown quantities in Republican circles, and Trump has previously praised Lapid publicly. “They are aware of them and have some sort of relations with them, even if not working directly together,” Dayan noted.
Koplow highlighted the unprecedented nature of the Trump-Netanyahu bond. “I don’t think there’s ever been a president and a prime minister who were so tightly linked … and who went out of their way to also give each other such high levels of political support,” he said. “They seem to have this bond that I don’t think you’ll see with Trump and a different Israeli prime minister.”
On security matters, institutional relationships may prove more durable than personal ones. Dayan argued that military and intelligence cooperation remains strong regardless of leadership changes. “In terms of security, the relationship is super close, super intimate,” she said. “And I think it will stay this way for the near future, again, unless something drastic changes in the administration.”
Political dynamics present different challenges. Netanyahu’s image has become polarizing in certain American circles, potentially limiting his effectiveness with future Democratic administrations. “Netanyahu’s image became toxic in certain American circles,” Dayan explained. “Not necessarily just the policies of the Netanyahu government, but Netanyahu himself. He is portrayed as the prototype of an illiberal leader.”
Interestingly, Dayan suggested Bennett might be better positioned to resist certain American pressures than Netanyahu. “Netanyahu has a soft spot with Trump,” she said. “Trump knows he can pressure Netanyahu, and there are many things that Bennett might be better positioned to refuse Trump than Netanyahu is, because Netanyahu feels like he owes Trump for things they did together in the past.”
The possibility of American intervention in Israeli elections remains open. “I think it is likely,” Dayan said when asked about potential Trump involvement. “I don’t know that it will happen.” At minimum, she expects Trump to publicly express support for Netanyahu’s continued leadership.
For now, the Bennett-Lapid partnership has clarified opposition leadership without guaranteeing electoral success. The alliance provides structural advantages for both leaders while raising new questions about governance and international relations. As Shapira concluded, “It’s good for both Bennett and Lapid. In terms of the blocs, I don’t think it changes very much.”
